Kevin C. Murphy
Dissertation Summary

Uphill all the Way:
The Fortunes of Progressivism, 1919-1929


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"One has a sense of having come to a sudden, short stop at the end of an intellectual era," declared appalled social critic Randolph Bourne in 1917, as America lurched into World War One.1 For generations since, historians have for the most part concurred with Bourne's epitaph for progressivism. With very few exceptions, the conventional narrative of American history dates the end of the Progressive Era to the postwar turmoil of 1919 and 1920, culminating with the election of Warren G. Harding and a mandate for Normalcy. Over the next decade, so the story goes, the nation entered a free-wheeling New Era marked by conservatism, consumerism, and cultural conflict, three C's for which the obsolescent progressive ideology of yore seemed wholly inadequate. Only after the earth-shattering tumult of the Great Depression, nine years hence, would a revived and rethought liberal creed rise again to national prominence, like a phoenix from out the ashes of progressive despair.

And yet, as my dissertation explores, progressives and progressivism persisted even during the unfavorable political climate of the Twenties. In the Senate, a band of western mavericks, including William Borah, George Norris, Hiram Johnson, and Burton Wheeler, continued to propound progressive legislation and rail against the corruption of Teapot Dome. Progressive peace activists and organizations, including Nation editor Oswald Villard and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), emerged at the forefront of an international disarmament movement. Reformers such as Florence Kelley of the National Consumers' League (NCL) and Margaret Dreier Robins of the Women's Trade Union League (WTUL) led the fight for a constitutional amendment banning child labor. Former suffragettes, emboldened by the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, worked to obtain further social and economic rights for women. The Progressive-headed "Committee of Forty-Eight" attempted to fashion an independent political movement behind insurgent Senator Robert M. LaFollette, who captured approximately 17% of the vote in 1924. The NAACP, under the leadership of W.E.B. Du Bois, worked to improve the lives of African-Americans in southern states and northern cities, and began crafting its legal strategy to dismantle segregation. And countless progressive reformers, in laboratories as diverse as Al Smith's New York and Herbert Hoover's Commerce Department, experimented with ideas, ranging from social insurance to associationalism to regional development, which would later form the centerpiece of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal.

While examining these many progressive projects of the Harding and Coolidge years, my dissertation also inquires into how progressivism - a public philosophy rooted in promoting the public good, elevating expertise and efficiency, and preserving civic virtue and the prerequisites of citizenship - was tempered and transformed by the events of the New Era.2 Shocked by the outright repression and virulent nationalism that had accompanied World War I and the subsequent Red Scare, some progressives began rethinking the appropriate role of state power and the importance of civil liberties, just as others crafted draconian immigration reforms that followed the letter, if not the spirit, of earlier attempts to "Americanize" citizens. While enthused by the political and educative possibilities of radio, progressives found their faith in individual improvement and the infallibility of an informed electorate tested by increasingly refined techniques of advertising, the emergence of Freudian psychology, and the "Babbitt backlash" in American arts and letters. The cultural conflicts of the period, as embodied most famously by the Scopes Trial and the rise of the Ku Klux Klan, further strained the progressive belief in a crusading, dispassionate, and well-informed middle-class as a vehicle for change. Many thinkers, prompted by the Supreme Court's continued resistance to reform initiatives, embraced proposals to circumvent the judiciary. And, as progressives grappled with the growing centrality of consumerism and consumerist thinking in all aspects of American life and governance, they had also to confront the abysmal failure of - and fallout from - Prohibition, the movement's most ambitious moral experiment.

In 1959, historian Arthur Link suggested in his brief essay "What Happened to the Progressive Movement in the 1920's?" that "perhaps it is high time that we discard the sweeping generalizations, false hypotheses, and clichés that we have so often used in explaining and characterizing political developments from 1918 to 1929…When we do this we will no longer ask whether the progressive movement was defunct in the 1920s. We will only ask what happened to it and why."3 Simply put, this dissertation aims to rise to Link's forty-five-year-old challenge. It builds on the work of earlier scholars such as Clarke Chambers and LeRoy Ashby, who examined New Era progressivism in Seedtime of Reform: American Social Service and Social Action, 1918-1933 (1963) and The Spearless Leader: Senator Borah and the Progressive Movement in the 1920s (1972) respectively. And, with an eye to the many fruitful and flourishing fields - gender history, consumerism, the history of technology, and the New Western history, in particular - that have come to enhance the study of political ideology in the past three decades, this dissertation revisits the question of progressive persistence and the rhetorical and ideological transformations it was forced to make to remain relevant in an age of consumer culture and cultural conflict. In so doing, this study aims to reevaluate progressivism's contributions to the New Era and help to reestablish the connections between early twentieth century reform and the liberalism of the New Deal.

1. Randolph Silliman Bourne and Olaf Hansen, The Radical Will : Selected Writings, 1911-1918 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 342.
2. The historiography of what constitutes progressivism is long and contested. For my own understanding, I am particularly indebted to Michael Sandel's Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy (1996), Elizabeth Anne Payne's Reform, Labor, and Feminism: Margaret Dreier Robins and the Women's Trade Union League (1988), and Robert D. Johnston, "Re-Democratizing the Progressive Era: The Politics of Progressive Era Historiography." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, January 2002.
3. Arthur Link, "What happened to the Progressive Movement in the 1920s?" The American Historical Review, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Jul. 1959), 851.


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